The annual US National Institute for Computer Assisted Reporting (NICAR) conference brings together hundreds of some of the most experienced data journalists, mainly US-based, and is packed with sessions where you can learn about the latest developments, tools and techniques in the field. Since I didn’t make it to NICAR last week, I followed the most used conference hashtag, #NICAR13, to stay on top of the discussions. The abundance of sessions and presentations at NICAR makes it impossible for anyone to absorb everything that is being discussed, so here is a list of the most tweeted links from the conference, which might be useful to come back to. (Unfortunately I missed capturing tweets from the first day of the conference.)

The by far most popular link is Chrys Wu’s Tools, Slides and Links from NICAR13, a long list of presentations, tutorials, software, tools, references and work samples discussed in the conference. The other top links are:

Another list of highlights, curated by one of the conference participants, can be found on the Nieman Lab website.

This morning I attended the first lecture of the Digital Methods for Internet Research course at the University of Amsterdam. Richard Rogers, chair and professor in the university’s New Media & Digital Culture programme, introduced three stages of seeing the Web or of doing Internet research that we have witnessed so far.

1. The Web as cyberspace (1994-2000)

Around 1994 the Web was conceptualized as cyberspace, a realm apart where people could leave their real identities behind and assume identities separate from their real ones.

2. The Web as virtual society (2000-2007)

Around 1999 a second phase of understanding the Internet emerged. In this phase researchers focused on debunking the myth of the cyberspace, of the Internet as a realm apart. The UK based Virtual Society? program did important work in this respect by conducting empirical studies about Internet users. Some by now classic theories came out of this research tradition, such as the digital divide critique, which showed that online access is not equally distributed. With respect to the relationship between the real and the virtual, researchers showed that online interactions don’t lead to isolation but that they stimulate more real interaction. The Virtual Society? programme introduced social sciences methods to the study of the Internet: surveys and field observations.

3. The Web as the baseline for the real (2007 -)

The third stage according to Rogers marks a shift from using the Web to study online culture to studying society and culture with the Web. In this third phase Rogers introduces the concept of digital methods. In this programme which Rogers initiated around 2007 Web-based tools which exploit the specificity of natively digital objects and devices (links, tags, spheres, search engines, websites) are used to analyze accounts of reality in its various cultural, societal and political forms. There are two shifts in this research program compared to the previous two phases of Internet research that Rogers indentifies. The first shift is methodological. In contrast with the digitized methods used by the Virtual Society? program, which were imported from the social sciences and the humanities to conduct empirical studies of Internet users, Rogers proposes a set of digital methods that follow the medium and appropriate its natively digital objects such as the link or the website, as well as recommender systems and search engines. The second shift concerns the status given to the Web in this research program. Whereas in previous phases the Internet was an object for the study of online culture, in the digital methods program online dynamics become a dataset studied to make claims not only about online culture but about culture and society at large, thus moving beyond the divide between the real and the virtual that was the focus of the second phase of Internet research. Whereas virtual methods studies relied on non-Web data to support Web studies, with digital methods the relation between the online and the ground is reversed, the online becoming the baseline against which societal conditions can be assessed, for which Rogers proposes the term “online groundedness.”

Rogers documents this research programme in a booklet published by the Amsterdam University Press called “The end of the virtual. Digital Methods.” You can freely download it here. This programme generated 57 (!) tools for Internet research on top of devices such as Wikipedia, YouTube, Google search, Twitter and others. You can find them listed here.

Some of the projects undertaken by the Digital Methods Initative:

You can find the full list of projects here.

In January 2012 I was interviewed by Alex Howard, O’Reilly Media’s Government 2.0 correspondent, about the state of data journalism. The interview was published on 14 February on O’Reilly Radar.

Below is a snippet of the interview. You can read the full text on O’Reilly Radar.

AH: What does data journalism mean for the future of journalism?  LB: [...] Digital technologies and the web are fundamentally changing the way we do journalism. Data journalism is one part in the ecosystem of tools and practices that have sprung up around data sites and services. Quoting and sharing source materials (structured data) is in the nature of the hyperlink structure of the web and in the way we are accustomed to navigating information today. By enabling anyone to drill down into data sources and find information that is relevant to them as individuals or to their community, as well as to do fact checking, data journalism provides a much needed service coming from a trustworthy source. Quoting and linking to data sources is specific to data journalism at the moment, but seamless integration of data in the fabric of media is increasingly the direction journalism is going in the future. As Tim Berners-Lee says, “data-driven journalism is the future.”

Last week I attended Visualizing Europe, a one-day conference where a very interesting and diverse group of data visualization experts and designers talked about the power and potential of data visualization.

Below are some notes and comments on some points presented and issues debated in the conference:


  • Use cases for data visualization: explorative versus communicative data visualization

“Visualizations are part of our culture.” (Moritz Stefaner)

Enrico Bertini, data visualization researcher at the University of Konstanz, Germany, made a case for the indispensability of data visualization in scientific research and control rooms dealing with large amounts of information. According to Bertini, whereas data visualization is commonly used today as a communication tool: “largely public, mostly static or with little interaction, and mostly to reveal information that has been digested by someone else,” attention must be shifted towards “build[ing] visualization for private use, highly interactive, to allow easy exploration and focus on revealing unknown, that is, help people generate new knowledge.”

The shift that we’ve been witnessing from the use of visualization exclusively by expert populations for analytical tasks to the use of visualization as communication tool of findings or messages, even in everyday life situations with tools like Many Eyes (see a study of casual information visualization), does not imply a questioning of the indispensability of data visualization in scientific research. But data visualization is now part of our culture as Moritz Stefaner, information visualizer with background in cognitive science and interface design, explained in this talk. What we need to explore are the multiple types of insight that the non-traditional uses of data visualization can enable and what practices like remixing visualizations tell about our culture.

 

  • Levels of narrative control in telling stories with data visualization

A debate emerged around this topic. To Moritz Stefaner, the power and potential of data visualization lie not in telling one story but in telling a thousand stories but not all at once, making them accessible and enabling users to make sense of the world themselves. Structuring these stories is the job of the designer. David McCandless, writer and information designer who maintains the Information is Beautiful website, considers that, in the context of the torrent of information that we live in, a good data visualization should tell one story in order to help people make sense of the abundance of information. To him the power of visualization lies within enhancing our knowledge as not to be taken in by words.

 

  • Data visualizations as a new kind of camera?

Trained as a photo journalist, David McCandless proposed to think of the future of data visualization as a new kind of camera. He considers data visualization to be a new form of photojournalism in that by means of visualizations you take photos of the data. This metaphor however obscures the process of interpretation performed with this representation technique. Jonathan Gray of the Open Knowledge Foundation usefully pointed out later in the day that what is essential about data visualization is not taking good pictures but examining the material we use for taking pictures as well.

 

Resources:

Enrico Bertini maintains an interesting blog on data visualization: Fell in Love with Data. You can find the slides of his presentation here. In his presentation he strongly recommended Alan MacEachren’s book on visualization “How Maps Work”.

Interesting showcased tools and visualizations:

  • Impure: free visual programming language that enables non-programmers to create their own interactive experiences. Project done with Impure published in the Guardian: An animated history of UK. aid 1960-2009 mapped.
  • Notabilia: visualization of deletion discussions on Wikipedia
  • The Better Life Index: interactive index which enables users to rate their own country on the things they feel make for a better life.

Image credits: OKFN Flickr stream

 

What is new about new media? As the term “new media” contains powerful ideological connotations, such as “new equals better,” the boundaries between old and new media have been intensely discussed in media studies. Are the old and the new media completely separate entities or are new media old media delivered with new technologies? Bolter and Grusin’s theory of remediation brings yet another way of thinking about new media and answering these questions. For Bolter and Grusin the specificity of new media, their “newness,” lies in the way they remediate older media. Building on McLuhan, they define remediation as “the representation of one medium in another.”[1] Against the technologically progressive view which celebrates new media as an improvement on and a complete break with old media, this notion sets the grounds for conceptualizing the relationship between old and new media not as oppositional but as part of a media genealogy, focusing, in Foucauldian fashion, on their connections and affiliations instead.[2]

The remediation theory is conceived as reaction to a popular position that was circulating at the time when the authors wrote the concept into being, in mid-1990s, namely the end of mediation. Against this theoretical position they argue that “there is nothing prior to mediation”[3] and that every mediation is remediation because each act of mediation is based on other acts of mediation.

Remediation builds on two oppositional concepts: immediacy and hypermediacy. Both logics attempt to represent the real in more authentic ways than previous media by using two different strategies, and end up redefining the real in the process of representation. The first logic attempts to render the real as unmediated immediacy and make the user forget about the medium by trying to deny or erase the act of mediation, as in the case of virtual reality (VR). Immediacy can be associated with the modernist concern for achieving an unified, liniar perspective. The failure to satisfy the subject’s desire for immediacy sets the conditions for a contrary strategy to emerge “in which the subject becomes fascinated with the act of mediation itself.”[4] This second logic is reconceptualises the real or authentic as an excess of media, which becomes our second nature, aiming to explicitly remind the user of the existence of a multiplicity of acts of representations, as in the case of the graphical user interface (GUI). Hypermediacy could be associated with the postmodernist desire for fragmentation and disruption. The paradox of these two logics is that they aim to achieve immediacy and authenticity, which are opposed to mediation, through media.

The two logics are not mutually exclusive and their various degrees of presence in different media give rise to four ways in which digital media remediate their predecessors. This categorisation of remediation which Bolter and Grusin propose is based on an analysis of formal aspects and thus a technological deterministic one. Driven by the logic of immediacy, remediation can be transparent when digital media try to reproduce older media forms without distorting them in the process. Digital media try to erase themselves from the representations which they produce, to render themselves invisible and create the illusion of experiencing the authentic older media as is the case with galleries of digitized photographs or paintings. Secondly, remediation can be translucent when it aims to emphasize the difference between the old and digital version of a medium and offer the new one as an improvement on the old one. Thirdly, driven by the logic of hypermediacy, remediation can be more aggressive when the new medium tries to refashion the old one entirely. The original presence still remains visible, which creates a discontinuous, mosaic-like space which combines fragments of disparate media items and leads to the sense of multiplicity. The GUI is an example of this type of remediation. Lastly, driven by the logic of immediacy, remediation can be even more aggressive when it tries to mask the discontinuities and absorb the other medium entirely. While transparent remediation aims to erase the new medium the absorbing remediation aims to erase the old medium. This type of remediation is specific to computer games with a strong narrative element, like Myst or Doom, which are remediating cinema.

In the last section of their essay, “Remediation,” Bolter and Grusin escape the charge of technological determinism by discussing remediation in a social, material and economic context. Not only formal aspects of older media are refashioned but also their apparatuses, according to the authors. Materials and techniques associated with various media are also remediated, an argument further developed by Manovich.[5] Their social and economic arrangements are also subject to remediation. In this line of thought, the process of refashioning old media by new media is driven by the desire to find a consistent audience. If remediation is taken as medium specificity, a medium could be defined as that which remediates a network of relationships between formal, material, social and economic aspects.

Although Bolter and Grusin set out to map a media genealogy, their analysis follows through a thread through history, namely the subject’s unrelieved desire for immediacy. This desire is being shown to drive the process of remediation throughout history, thus betraying the Foucauldian genealogical project. The authors fail to ask another Foucauldian question: what are the broader processes and power relations which constitute subjectivity as driven by the desire for immediacy and authenticity, and that make digital media address these issues?

In “Premediation,” Grusin attempts to transition from remediation to premediation as specificity of media in the twenty-first century, particularly after the 9/11 event. Whereas remediation involved the refashioning of an older media form by new digital media forms, premediation comprises three logics or desires: (1) to remediate future media forms and technologies, (2) to remediate the future before it happens, (3) to colonize the future by extending media technologies into the future in order to capture the future when it emerges into the present.[6] Premediation has a reformative function post 9/11 in that it tries to eliminate the possibility of a future event to happen without it having already been remediated. This phenomenon of remediating the future however is not specific to the twenty-first century but is a mundane phenomenon in media and has a historical dimension which can be tracked back in a similar fashion to Bolter and Grusin’s genealogy of remediation.

Whereas remediation was rightfully proposed as being a theory of media in general, the premediation concept is developed around a particular media environment and thus cannot be claimed to be replacing remediation as media logic of the twenty-first century. Rather, I would suggest that premediation is a type of remediation which takes the future as its focus, specific to U.S. centralized news media after 9/11.  In this particular context, premediation functions in a similar way with Bush’s political logic of pre-emptive war. Post 9/11 media representations that provided frameworks for looking at and representing possible futures all inevitably led to the necessity of a war in Iraq. American media appeared to join the war on terror with their own means, driven by the paranoid desire that no future event happen without it having already been mediated. However, the political context was not the only drive towards future-oriented reporting at the time when Grusin wrote this concept into being (early 2000s). In the early 2000s traditional reporting was challenged to speed up by the pace of the Internet and the demands for freshness of content which it created. Future-oriented reporting can thus be considered to be equally driven by the changing media landscape in early 2000s, not only by the U.S. political context.

Grusin claims that premediation is not a way to predetermine the real: “by trying to premediate as many of the possible worlds, or possible paths, as the future could be imagined to take, premediation […] is not necessarily about getting the future right as much as it is about trying to imagine or map out as many possible futures as could plausibly be imagined.”[7] However, the preemptive logic often determines the events which it aims to be preventing because mapping is always also a form of anticipating a space. Mapping the future is similar to doing management of expectations, each of which could be linked to a variety of interests, blurring the distinction between possibility and probability. Profiling the future by mapping all potential futures in the desire to control it is a paranoid media response to a political problem. It is paranoid knowledge production, paradoxically claiming to lower anxiety. While premediation is indeed related to affect, it aims for a bodily reaction, for an affective response, it perpetuates paranoia rather than lower anxiety in a desire to predetermine the future.

Bolter and Grusin develop the concepts of remediation and premediation in mid-1990s and early 2000s respectively, before the advent and popularization respectively of social media. Are the logics of remediation and premediation manifest in social media forms? The concept of premediation particularly was developed in a time when news dissemination was done primarily though traditional centralized media: television, radio, newspapers. Do social media forms as vehicles for news dissemination confirm or challenge the theory of premediation?

Bibliography

Bolter, Jay David and Richard Grusin. “Remediation.” Configurations 4.3 (1996): 311-358

Grusin, Richard. “Premediation.” Criticism 46:1 (2004): 17-39

Manovich, Lev. Software Takes Command. unpublished ms. 2008. http://www.manovich.net/


[1] Bolter, Jay David and Richard Grusin. “Remediation.” Configurations 4.3 (1996). p. 339
[2] Ibid. p. 315
[3] Ibid. p. 346
[4] Ibid. p. 355
[5] Manovich, Lev. Software Takes Command. unpublished ms. 2008. http://www.manovich.net/ (accessed 27 Sept. 2010)
[6] Grusin, Richard. “Premediation.” Criticism 46.1. pp. 36-37
[7] Ibid. p. 28

The advent of digital media revived the interest for medium specificity as materiality of a medium in media studies, most influentially discussed until now by Marshall McLuhan. As Katherine Hayles[1] rightfully points out, in the literary criticism environment it was the emergence of an alternative medium for supporting literary work, the electronic medium, which helped to make visible the medium specific assumptions of print and the dependence of the meaning of a literary text on the material apparatus used to produce it.

Medium-specific analysis emphasizes, following the McLuhanite tradition, the role of the nature of the medium in which a cultural form is instantiated in the interpretation of that form. For Hayles, the specificity of a medium lies in its materiality, which she reconceptualises as “the interplay between a text’s physical characteristics and its signifying strategies.”[2] This definition repositions materiality from being a pre-given of the medium to being constantly shaped by the cultural form which it instantiates. The influence is reciprocal: not only the characteristics of the medium contribute to determining the meanings of the cultural form but the cultural form shapes the way in which the characteristics of a medium are perceived as well: “It makes materiality an emergent property, so that it cannot be specified in advance, as if it were a pregiven entity.”[3]

The situation of Hayles’ discussion of media-specific analysis (MSA) in the field of literary studies is determinant of her method. She employs the common method of comparison to show how a literary genre, literary hypertext, is instantiated in two different media: the book and digital media. She builds both on the theory of remediation in analyzing media comparatively and exposing how they simulate each other’s characteristics, and on the theory of reverse remediation in studying how the effects of electronic hypertext can be simulated in print.

Hayles’ MSA method is very productive outside the field of literary studies as well, in inquiring more generally on what the role of code or computer software in the creation and production of texts in general is. This line of inquiry is picked up by Mathew Fuller in the essay “It Looks Like You’re Writing a Letter: Microsoft Word,”[4] a well documented critique of the Microsoft Word application. Fuller looks at the Microsoft Word application and how it shapes the production of text and the experience of producing a text. He exposes the presumptions about the drives and norms of writing of the imagined user by analyzing the design of the application and the functions it offers. Fuller rightfully notes that Word’s configuration is still dominated by business-oriented models of work which correspond to the initial use of computers in large corporations, thus universalizing this type of use. In an ironic tone, Fuller notes that the excess of functions, serving to improve the ranking of the product rather than the productivity of its user, is established as a standard in word processing, thus undermining the autonomy of the user.

Whereas Hayles analyzes code in terms of its determination of the outputs of media (a text’s physical characteristics), Fuller further emphasizes the notion of software as determinant for medium specificity by proposing to look at the level of software from the moment of its installation, to the licensing agreement, the user interface and its functions. Whereas he acknowledges all these elements, his main focus is the user interface and the offered functions.

Not only autonomy but also creativity is inhibited by Word. Would Fuller consider Notepad, a basic text editor which comes for free with the Windows operating system, an alternative to Word for creative, multiple purpose writing, not as much constrained by standards shaped by the needs of the business world as the Word application?

By choosing to discuss the role of a Word processor in producing text, Fuller inscribes his work in the emerging field of software studies, which applies critical theory to software. Fuller mentions the role of hardware, e.g. keyboard and mouse, in his analysis only in passing. A comprehensive analysis of the politics of writing technologies would however document the role of hardware as well in shaping writing practices.

Lev Manovich takes up cultural software as the sole object of study of Software Takes command.[5] He defines cultural software as “software programs which are used to create and access media objects and environments.”[6] To take into account not only the text but also its material instantiation, the book is a first draft published online under a Creative Commons license. Thus the text adheres to the principles of the online media which are its object of study. As the author explains, “Like contemporary software and web services, the book can change as often as I like, with new “features” and “big fixes” added periodically.”[7]

Throughout the book, Manovich takes an obvious technological deterministic approach to culture in claiming that the features of contemporary society that determined theorization of it as “information society” or “knowledge society,” have all been determined by software. He gives much less consideration in his book to the fact that technologies are equally causes and effects of an existing social order and that their emergence is determined by the social forces, structures of power and needs of a society.

By relying without critical interrogation on a selection of works on computer media that have been designated as pioneering in one of the first books on new media, The New Media Reader,[8] he puts together in the first part of his book a genealogy of computer media as “metamedium” from the 1960s to the 1980s.

In spite of some limitations, Manovich’s approach is valuable to media studies in its insistence on the specificity of computer media lying in software. He argues that it is software which enabled techniques and tools specific to different physical and electronic media to “meet” in a software-based environment and be remixed. He coins the term “deep remixability”[9] to describe this characteristic of media in a software-based environment that allows not only remix of content but also of techniques and methods. Manovich argues that cultural software, by allowing techniques, languages, interfaces and content to be appropriated and remixed, has turned media into metamedia.[10] Whereas Fuller and Hayles argue for medium specificity, Manovich attempts to conceptualize the specificity of the computer media taken together as “metamedium”, thus shifting the theorization of medium specificity from media taken individually to “a techno-social ecology as a whole.”[11]

In trying to make software visible and particularly looking at it as the engine of culture in the case of Manovich, all three authors make use mainly of a method originating in literary studies, namely interpretation. This might leave invisible some aspects of software. A research question which should have an importance place in the establishment of software studies should be that of method. What should be the methods for making software visible? As technology becomes more and more seamlessly integrated into everyday life, we seem to become aware of it only when it fails. Taking into account the failures of technology and particularly of software, I suggest could be one approach to the study of software.

Bibliography

Fuller, Matthew. “It Looks Like You’re Writing a Letter.” Behind the Blip: Essays on the Culture of Software. New York: Autonomedia, 2003. pp.137-165.

Hayles, Katherine. “Print Is Flat, Code Is Deep: The Importance of Media-Specific Analysis.Poetics Today. 25.1 (2004): 67-90

Manovich, Lev. Software Takes Command. unpublished ms. 2008. http://www.manovich.net/.

Wardrip-Fruin, Noah and Nick Montfort (eds.). The New Media Reader. Cambridge and London: MIT Press, 2003


[1] Hayles, Katherine. “Print Is Flat, Code Is Deep: The Importance of Media-Specific Analysis.” Poetics Today. 25.1 (2004). p. 68 [2] Ibid. p. 67 [3] Ibidem. [4] Fuller, Matthew. “It Looks Like You’re Writing a Letter.” Behind the Blip: Essays on the Culture of Software. New York: Autonomedia, 2003. pp. 137-165. [5] Manovich, Lev. Software Takes Command. unpublished ms. 2008. http://www.manovich.net/.(accessed 27 Sept. 2010). [6] Ibid. p. 11 [7] Ibid. p. 1 [8] Wardrip-Fruin, Noah and Nick Montfort (eds.). The New Media Reader. Cambridge and London: MIT Press, 2003 [9] Manovich. p. 25 [10] Ibid. p. 50 [11] Ibid. p. 29

In doing research for my master thesis on smart houses as technologies of government ‘at a distance’ last year (which you can read here), I found it very difficult to find materials which treated this topic from a media and cultural studies perspective, as well as historically, which is what determined me to share this list with you. Most of the publications on smart houses treat the technical, design and technological innovation aspects of the subject and are usually written by technology designers as documentation for their experimental projects. There are extremely few books dedicated to smart houses as sole subject of investigation from a media and cultural studies perspective, but you may find references to the topic in books which treat broader related topics such as (new) media, domestic technologies, augmented reality, ambient intelligence or ubiquitous computing, and, more recently, life-assisting technologies for the elderly. Below are some of the most useful materials I consulted for a historical and critical media and cultural studies perspective on the topic:

  • Heckman, Davin.  A Small World: Smart Houses and the Dream of the Perfect Day. Durham: Duke University Press, 2008. In my opinion, the most recent and most comprehensive study of smart homes from a cultural and media studies perspective until August 2009. Heckman critically examines the history of smart homes in the United States in terms of technological developments and their representations in various media. He also analyzes contemporary smart home designs and offers an incisive critique of these commercial technological visions of domestic space, in line with the humanist tradition of the Frankfurt School.
  • Berg, Anne-Jorunn. “A Gendered Socio-Technical Construction: the Smart House.” In Donald Mackenzie and Judy Wajcman, eds. The Social Shaping of Technology. 2nd ed. Buckingham, Philadelphia: Open University Press, 1999. From a social sciences perspective, the author argues that the smart house is a gendered construction, the design of which represents the interests of its male producers, who overlook the meaning of home from a female perspective, as a place for work, namely housework.
  • Allon, Fiona. “An Ontology of Everyday Control: Space, Media Flows and ‘Smart’ Living in the Absolute Present.” Mediaspace : Place, Scale and Culture in a Media Age. Eds. Nick Couldry and Anna McCarthy. London: Routledge, 2004. pp. 253-274. From a media studies perspective, Fiona Allon highlights the smart house as a strategic locus in the network of control engendered by information capitalism, which promises to “enable individual empowerment and connectivity, while simultaneously enhancing surveillance, isolation and control.” [1]
  • Spigel, Lynn. “Designing the Smart House: Posthuman Domesticity and Conspicuous Production. European Journal of Cultural Studies. 8(4). pp. 403-426. In this essay Spigel is concerned with smart home designs from the perspective of the new forms of social interaction which they engender, the way they reconfigure domestic activities and the mode of subjectivity which they demand, which she calls ‘posthuman domesticity.’
  • Hay, James. “Unaided Virtues: The (Neo-)Liberalization of the Domestic Sphere.” Television & New Media 1: 53, 2000. pp. 53-73. The essay discusses smart domestic technologies as technologies of government.
  • Hay, James. “Designing Homes to be the First Line of Defense.” Cultural Studies, 20:4, 2006. pp. 349-377. The essay discusses smart domestic risk management technologies (home security technologies) as technologies of government ‘at a distance.’
  • Gold, Rich. “How smart does your bed have to be, before you are afraid to go to sleep at night?”Ars Electronica Catalogue.  19 August 2009. This short essay enters the category of artistic critical interrogation of technological innovations. It comprises of a series of critical interrogations about the notion of intelligent house in a humorous and sarcastic tone, from the perspective of an artist which worked with Mark Weiser at PARC on the ubiquitous computing program. The questions are meant to generate reflection about the potential transformations and effects produced by living in an intelligent domestic environment.
  • Spigel, Lynn. Welcome to the Dreamhouse: Popular Media and Postwar Suburbs. Durham: Duke University Press, 2001. The book discusses the American postwar suburb, imaginary which contributed to the apparition of the smart house concept.
  • Harper, Richard. Inside the Smart House. London: Springer, 2003. Besides the predominant design and user interaction orientation of the book, pages 18-21 contain a brief genealogy of smart houses.
  • Gann. David, James Barlow and Tim Venables. Digital Futures: Making Homes Smarter. Coventry: The Chartered Institute of Housing, 1999. Pages 8-20 offer a brief overview of the turning points in the introduction of technology into the domestic space, which contributed to the concept of smart house.

Please share with us if you happened to come across other useful resources.

Notes:

[1] Allon, Fiona. “An Ontology of Everyday Control: Space, Media Flows and ‘Smart’ Living in the Absolute Present.” Mediaspace : Place, Scale and Culture in a Media Age. Eds. Nick Couldry and Anna McCarthy. London: Routledge, 2004. p. 271

sabine niedererIn the final session of the conference, Sabine Niederer presented the launch of the first book dedicated entirely to the urban screens theme, The Urban Screens Reader. The book was edited by Scott McQuire and Meredith Martin from the University of Melbourne and Sabine Niederer from the Institute of Network Cultures. The Urban Screens Reader contains three sections: ‘Urban Screens: History, Technology, Politics’, ‘Sites’, and ‘Publics and Participation: Interactivity, Sociability and Strategies in Locative Media.’ The book in pdf will be soon available for free download on the INC website.

The book was launched as a result of the series of events and seminars which took places throughout the four years since the first urban screens event organized by the Institute of Network Cultures in Amsterdam in 2005 in collaboration with Mirjam Struppek. This series of events encouraged the exploration of opportunities to employ the growingurbanscreens_book infrastructure of  displays in public space (LED signs, plasma screens, projection boards, intelligent architectural surfaces, etc.), currently used mainly as a tool to influence consumer behavior through advertising, and repurpose them as platforms for creation and cultural exchange, strengthening the local economy and encouraging public discussion. Since the first Urban Screens event in 2005 in Amsterdam, related international conferences have been organized in Manchester in 2007 and Melbourne in 2008.

This year the International Urban Screens Association (IUSA) was also created. The organization takes on the mission ’to inform and support the ‘worldwide Urban Screens movement’: the expanding use of dynamic digital displays in public spaces; their considerate and sustainable integration in the urban landscape; and the ability for screen communities to collaborate in the digital space to share content, experience, ideas, innovations and emerging possibilities.’

 The Urban Screens conference which took place in Amsterdam on the 4th of December this year is the fourth in a series of events which has been organized around the theme of display screens (LED signs, plasma screens, projection boards, intelligent architectural surfaces, etc.) in urban spaces. It supports the idea of using public space as a platform for creation and cultural exchange, strengthening the local economy and encouraging public discussion. Since the first Urban Screens event in 2005 in Amsterdam, related international conferences have taken place in Manchester in 2007 and Melbourne in 2008. The series of events encourages the exploration of opportunities to employ the growing infrastructure of large digital displays in public space currently used mainly as a tool to influence consumer behavior through advertising, and expand them by displaying cultural and artistic content with the purpose of revitalizing public space, and generating public engagement and interaction.

During the event the first book dedicated to the urban screens theme, The Urban Screens Reader,  has been launched. The book can be downloaded for free as pdf from the Institute of Network Cultures’ website.

The postings in this category are articles which I contributed to The Urban Screens conference blog. The pictures included in the articles are by Sabine Niederer.

klotzPaul Klotz is an applied art engineer and light designer who specializes in interactive light installations for public spaces. By means of light and sound installations which create a feedback loops between the passerby and the installation upon physical interaction with the artwork, he attempts to set up in public spaces artistic zones which captivate, entertain and enrich human experience.  The Tunnel Vision installation for example is a light and sound installation which responds to the individual’s hand movements within it by sound and light alterations.

Besides a couple of more politically determined projects such as the as the EL-37 (Eco-Line 37), the primary function of Paul Klotz’s creative lighting installations is aesthetic and stems from his fascination with light as artistic medium. EL-37 (Eco-Line 37) was installated in the urban space of Almelo. The installation consists of a six meter modular lightline, something like a thermometer which represents in colours the temperature at the place of the installation. The displayed temperature fluctuates according to the different types of transportation in transit by the place of installation as a modality of creating awareness of environmental issues, climate change and the role of pollution in the process. In absence of traffic the installation acts as a blow-up thermometer.

tunnel vision 3

The sense of individual engagement is determined in Klotz’s installations by the responsiveness of the installation to the movements of the passerby, enabled by the data gathered by sensors at the location of the installation. This much praised feature of interactivity emphasized by many of the media installations and projects presented today at the conference deserves more interrogation. Individual engagement and agency are not to be made the primary goal of such projects and admired as accomplishments in themselves but further interrogated in terms of their meaningfulness. Interactivity in itself can enable both responsible and irresponsible engagement with the artwork/ installation. In order to make the interactive features of an artwork meaningful the attention of the artist should go towards enabling responsible interaction and empathy through conceptual choices. Kristine Stiles and Edward Shanken, art theorists and historians, provide a list of questions useful in reflecting upon whether the interactive features of multimedia artworks truly enable responsible and meaningful agency in relation to social change, agency which would activate complex emotional and decision-making responses and which would contribute to the meaningfulness of the overall artwork, defined as “the ability to change (or affirm) the way viewers see, understand, and act upon the world” (Stiles and Shanken, forthcoming: 86).

In what ways does their [contemporary artists’] use of interactive media: a) challenge or change the creative process and the ways in which artistic meaning is constructed and received? b) enable alternative or expanded roles for the viewer as a producer of meaning? c) enhance individual and collective agency as a vehicle for social change? How are the intentions of the artist and the participant related to the events that result from encounters with interactive art? Do participants have the freedom to influence real-world events or assume interconnected responsibility? (Stiles and Shanken, forthcoming: 91) 

This set of questions brings me to another question which I would have liked to be addressed in the presentation of each art project namely, beyond their obvious spectacularity and the ‘coolness’ factor, what is the ‘added-value’ in terms social capital/change/ efficacy, of these sometimes very expensive thereby largely inaccessible forms of expression in urban space interventions, in comparison with older forms of artistic/ tactical/ subversive/ socially-oriented interventions in urban space?

Notes:

Kristine Stiles and Edward A. Shanken, Missing in Action: Agency and Meaning in Interactive Art, forthcoming in Margot Lovejoy, Christiane Paul, Victoria Vesna, eds., Context Providers: Context and Meaning in Digital Art (University of Minnesota Press).